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Academia 24
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The "war" is still on
Academia Nr: 24 (September / settembre 2000)
On the 30th of January 1972 – the so-called Bloody Sunday – thirteen people were killed in Londonderry (Northern Ireland) by British soldiers. Until now 3.600 people have died in the Northern Ireland conflict between pro Irish Catholics, the Nationalists, and the pro British Protestants, the Unionists. In April 1998 the parties signed the Good Friday Agreement recognising the need for reconciliation. But Northern Ireland is still far from peace.
Academia: Where does the Peace Process stand now?
Alcock: It stands at a very critical situation and I am not optimistic for the future. The way the Unionist and Nationalist communities act and speak means that reconciliation (the basis for which was provided by the Good Friday Agreement) is as far away as ever. The issues at present dominating the headlines are police reform, the flying of national flags (particularly the Union Jack) and decommissioning. But David Trimble is in danger of losing control of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) as ever more of his party here have become disillusioned with the Peace Process, and it is by no means certain that the two governments can (or will) do anything to help him. Trimble's rivals, Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), are determined to smash the Agreement and have threatened to disrupt proceedings of the government by having their two Ministers resign and be replaced on a rotating basis. In the meantime there has been no let-up in paramilitary beatings and assassinations aimed at control of ghetto housing estates.
A: What are the prospects for Northern Ireland?
Alcock: They are very bleak. If the Agreement collapses Unionists will be demoralised and enter upon intercommunity strife while Nationalists will be angered. There will be local elections next May, possibly in connection with a General Election. The real fear is that the UUP and the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party) votes will collapse, and Northern Ireland will be split between a fanatical bigoted right (the DUP) and an armed Marxist Republican left (Sinn Fein). Already we have had warnings. In two local council by-elections the DUP have captured UUP seats, even when the Interwiew with Antony E. Alcock UUP ran anti-agreement candidates. UUP voters for the Agreement did not vote, while those anti the Agreement felt they should punish the leadership by switching to the DUP. The DUP have announced that at the General Election they will break the normal pact with their fellow Unionists and challenge them for Westminster seats, even if they risk the split in the Unionist vote giving the seat to a Nationalist.
A: How do the tensions affect the economic situation?
Alcock: It is difficult to say. If the situation deteriorates direct inward investment will dry up, tourists won't come, unemployment will rise, and young people will leave the Province in ever-increasing numbers. We know that when people are optimistic tourists and investment flow in, when they are not they dry up. If the Agreement collapses then what incentive will the British government have to maintain levels of government spending on, i.e. health, education and transport?
A: In what fields is the situation in Northern Ireland similar to that of South Tyrol?
Alcock: There are some points that could be considered similar to South Tyrol, for example that with the Good Friday Agreement the neighbouring state does not officially claim the territory of what was formerly seen as "nationalist territory", i.e. as Austria never claimed South Tyrol so the Irish Republic no longer claims Northern Ireland. Other fields could be the institutionalised Power-Sharing or the separate education. Similar is also the ethnic difference, i.e. Celtic – Anglo-Saxon in Northern Ireland, German – Italian in South Tyrol, i.e. South Tyroleans are not Italian (Tolomei); Unionist are not Irish (the Anglo Saxon garrison).
A: Perhaps the question should be "In what field does the situation today in Northern Ireland differ from that in South Tyrol?"
Alcock: First of all paramilitary activity, bombs, murders and beatings are continuing in Northern Ireland.
If Italy has a Constitutional Court, then Britain has no equivalent so Northern Ireland has an Equality Commission to pronounce on issues dividing the communities.
Another difference is if in principle and ingeneral South Tyroleans and Altoatesini accept the political status quo and are generally prepared to co-operate for the general good, then despite the renunciation of the claim to the Province by the Irish Republic, the Agreement's idea that "when a majority of the population of Northern Ireland wants to be part of the Irish Republic the British Government would not oppose it" means that de facto if not de jure the territorial destiny of Northern Ireland is still in doubt – in principle the ethnic division is 40-42% Irish-Catholic-Nationalist versus 58-60% Protestant-British-Unionist – and therefore there is everything to play for. The "war" is still on.
The Interview was held by Emma Lantschner
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