Artificial Intelligence – Trump’s deregulation and the oligarchization of politics

Donald Trump’s new AI Action Plan for achieving “unquestioned and unchallenged global technological dominance” marks a sharp reversal in approach to AI governance, economic and industrial policy as well as national security. While former President Biden aimed to safeguard a fast-moving and unpredictable technology, Trump is clearly pro-business, in particular with regard to the most powerful and wealthiest high-tech enterprises. His plan comprises dozens of policy recommendations, underpinned by three executive orders calling for the slashing of environmental regulations, fast-tracking data center construction, preempting restrictive state laws, and promoting AI exports. In light of these changes, to what extent are the approaches of China and the EU now at stake?
"Today, a new frontier of scientific discovery lies before us, defined by transformative technologies such as artificial intelligence… Breakthroughs in these fields have the potential to reshape the global balance of power, spark entirely new industries, and revolutionize the way we live and work. As our global competitors race to exploit these technologies, it is a national security imperative for the United States to achieve and maintain unquestioned and unchallenged, global technological dominance. To secure our future, we must harness the full power of American innovation."
These words of President Trump can be found on page i of a document titled “Winning the Race: America’s AI Action Plan,” published on 23 July 2025. It follows President Trump’s repeal of Biden’s 2023 executive order on "Safe, Secure and Trustworthy AI" and the "Blueprint for an AI Bill of Rights" released by the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy in 2022. It implements executive order on Removing Barriers to American Leadership in AI as of 25 January 2025. Despite the sharp rhetorical break from the previous administration, the Plan does reflect notable continuity with several key Biden-era priorities. Both administrations have emphasized scaling domestic AI companies, increasing government adoption of AI tools, and the reforming of permitting and regulatory processes to meet the extraordinary computational and energy demands required to train and deploy advanced models. Still, the new Plan diverges from earlier approaches in some significant ways. It is strikingly techno-optimist in tone, generally prioritizing AI innovation over the need for guardrails.
The AI Action Plan articulates 90 policy recommendations to ensure American leadership and success in the global AI landscape and consists of three "pillars": accelerating innovation, building AI Infrastructure and leading international AI diplomacy and security. Some of its recommendations are incremental, some serve ideological ends, and many enrich or grow big tech companies. The plan is accompanied by three Executive Orders: "Preventing Woke AI in the Federal Government", "Accelerating Federal Permitting of Data Center Infrastructure", and "Promoting the Export of the American AI Technology Stack". The first targets "woke AI" by mandating that the federal government procures only large language models deemed “truth-seeking” and “ideologically neutral” rather than ones allegedly favoring diversity, equity and inclusion. The second aims to accelerate construction of AI data centers by effectively waiving a broad range of environmental laws, providing government grants to the wealthiest companies in the world, and even offering federal land for private data centers. The third order promotes and finances the export of US AI technologies and infrastructure, aiming to secure American diplomatic leadership and reduce international dependence on AI systems from adversarial countries.
AI as a political, social, and economic superweapon
Overall, the AI Action Plan affirms the Trump administration’s view that AI is the defining social, economic and political weapon of our time, and can help to win everything from culture wars to geopolitical conflicts. The right AI will help beat China in the AI race. Government pressure on leading AI companies can force them to purge "woke" ideology from their models. The Plan contains almost no provisions which challenge the power of the tech giants. The radical shift destroys the policies that enabled the US to become the world leader in AI as the research and development was funded since the 1950s and in large part by federal government agencies like the Defense Department, the National Science Foundation, NASA, and the National Institutes of Health. This includes the first successful AI program in 1956, the first chatbot in 1961, and the first expert systems for doctors in the 1970s, along with breakthroughs in machine learning, neural networks, backpropagation, computer vision, and natural-language processing.
The inversion of cooperative federalism
The new AI Action Plan’s approach to state regulation departs from traditional cooperative federalism and raises serious constitutional concerns as it undermines the separation of powers by imposing funding conditions that Congress had never before authorized. In addition, it stretches administrative law limits by inviting federal agencies, particularly the Federal Communications Commission, to preempt state AI regulations without a clear statutory basis. Finally, the Plan threatens core principles of federalism by attaching funding restrictions that are ambiguous in scope, potentially unrelated to the federal programs they affect, and coercive in their impact on states’ ability to legislate protection of their residents.
China’s call for global cooperation
It is no surprise that a few days after the presentation of the AI Action Plan, Chinese premier Li Qiang proposed establishing an organization to foster global cooperation on AI, calling on countries to coordinate on the development and security of the fast-evolving technology. Speaking at the annual World Artificial Intelligence Conference (WAIC) in Shanghai, Li called AI a new engine for growth, adding that governance is fragmented and emphasizing the need for more coordination between countries to form a globally recognized framework for AI. Li warned that AI development must be weighed against the security risks, saying global consensus was urgently needed.
EU rules on the defense of ethical AI
European critics, including many in the data protection community, urge a pivot toward a more balanced model that does not compromise privacy, transparency or human rights. The contrast with the EU’s AI Act is clear. While the Trump administration favors speed, deregulation, and market dominance, the EU has adopted a risk-based framework. The EU AI Act sets out clear rules based on the level of risk posed to individuals and society, banning certain uses outright and enforcing strict supervision for high-risk applications as well as transparency for limited-risk systems. With many already viewing the EU AI Act as the "gold standard" for responsible AI governance, the Trump administration’s plan is designed to directly compete with it.
Oligarchization of US politics
AI has been catapulted to the forefront of political agendas of all levels of government. Across every major market and facet of society, policymakers face difficult tradeoffs between individual rights and collective welfare, innovation and regulation, economic growth and social equity. The political developments in the United States show that presidential systems harbor the danger of becoming authoritarian by disproportional personalization of power. This leads to the domination of the overall political system by one person supported by small elite groups, organizations and enterprises.

Christoph Müller
Christoph Müller is a researcher at the Eurac Research Institute for Comparative Federalism focusing on digital transformation. Müller teaches EU law at the Sigmund Freud University Vienna and sustainable development policies at the Vienna University of Economics and Business as well as at the FH Campus Wien–University of Applied Sciences. He studied law at the Universities of Innsbruck and Vienna and received his PhD in law from the University of Vienna. His background includes positions at the Austrian Ministry of the Environment, the Permanent Representation of Austria to the EU, and the Federal Chancellery, where he was responsible for the conception, the coordination, and the negotiation of sustainable development, environment, energy, climate change, and transport laws and policies at the national, EU and global levels.
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